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Essay with interactivesQuandariesUpdated September 2026Personal essay in expository mode: Jenn's verbatim recorded lines plus peer-reviewed loneliness, conversation, and belonging research (Cacioppo and Hawkley; Qualter et al.; Kardas, Kumar and Epley; Boothby et al.; Holt-Lunstad et al.; Walton and Cohen) and two national surveys
Musings

Quandaries · September 2026

On Loneliness

The signal, the loop it runs, the forecast everyone in the room gets wrong, and why saying the unpolished thing first is the way out. Written three weeks into a new city and a new school.

“It is tough. Honestly, I’m gonna be very vulnerable. One of the tattoos I have on me is misspelled. There’s an extra S right there.”

Said to a room of classmates during a leadership workshop, September 21, 2026, three weeks after moving to Chicago.

That is a small confession, and it was made to people who had known each other for about twenty days. It is also a working example of the thing this page is about. Everyone in that room arrived alone, is spending a good deal of energy appearing not to be, and is quietly running a forecast about everyone else. The forecast is wrong in a predictable direction, and the fastest way to correct it is to do what that sentence does: hand the room something unpolished and see what comes back.

Loneliness gets described as the absence of connection. The research reads better as the reverse. Loneliness is the signal that connection is needed, it is nearly universal in a room like this one, and it comes with a design flaw that makes the obvious remedy feel dangerous exactly when it is most available. Being vulnerable is how you get around the flaw. What follows is the mechanism, in four parts, with the Chicago research that happens to have measured it a few miles from the Harper Center.

01 · The room

How many people here feel it

The base rate matters because the whole loop below runs on a bad estimate of it. In Harvard’s 2021 national survey, 36% of adults said they had felt lonely frequently or almost all the time in the previous four weeks. Among people aged 18 to 25 the figure was 61%.[1] Two years later the U.S. Surgeon General opened an advisory on the subject with the estimate that about one in two adults reports measurable loneliness.[2] None of these is a survey of business schools, and an MBA section is older than the youngest band; the honest reading is that the number for a first-year cohort sits between the two rates, and that placement is an inference.

Interactive · a room of sixty

How many people in this room felt lonely most of last month?

Sixty seats, the size of a section on the first day. Set your guess, then see what the survey found.

The reason the room matters more than the national number: nobody in it believes the national number applies to the people they can see. This is the same finding, from the inside, as the one Booth’s own research turns up below. People systematically underestimate how much others are interested in them, how much others like them, and how much others are carrying. The room looks finished from every seat, which is how sixty people can be lonely in the same building at the same time and each conclude they are the only one.

02 · The signal

What loneliness is for

John Cacioppo spent most of his career at the University of Chicago arguing that loneliness is not a mood but a signal, in the same category as hunger, thirst, and pain. Each is an aversive state whose job is to change behavior: hunger sends you toward food, loneliness sends you toward people.[3] The reason the signal is so unpleasant is the reason it exists. In the environment it evolved for, being cut off from the group was a survival problem, and a body that could feel that problem early did better than one that could not.

Ignoring the signal has a measured cost. A 2015 meta-analysis of seventy studies found loneliness associated with a 26% higher likelihood of mortality over the follow-up periods, social isolation with 29%, and living alone with 32%, after the usual confounds were controlled.[8] Those numbers are here for one reason: the feeling that arrives in a new city, three weeks in, after the family member who helped with the move has flown home, is doing its job, and it is the accurate part of the system.

26%lonelinessHigher likelihood of mortality in the pooled studies, controls applied.
29%social isolationObjective isolation, the count of contacts rather than the feeling.
32%living aloneThe single largest of the three risk factors in the same analysis.

“The point of that truth is mostly just to say that I value vulnerability because it leads to human connection.”

Voice memo, June 18, 2026.

That sentence was recorded three months before the move, and it reads now like a plan. The signal says connection is needed. The next part is where the plan meets the design flaw.

03 · The loop

The design flaw

Here is the part that took decades of research to pin down, and that anyone who has been lonely already knows from the inside. The lonely brain does not become more open. It becomes more vigilant. Cacioppo and Hawkley documented an implicit hypervigilance for social threat: lonely people attend faster to signs of rejection, remember negative social information better, and read ambiguous cues as cold.[3] In one eye-tracking study, lonely young adults’ gaze was captured sooner, and held longer, by faces showing rejection than by faces showing acceptance.[5] The model that grew out of this work calls the whole sequence the reaffiliation motive: the signal fires, the person withdraws to appraise, the scan for threat begins, and the scan finds what it is looking for.[4]

Interactive · the reaffiliation loop

Why the signal that should send you toward people sends you away

Step around the ring. The exit is the vulnerability the rest of this page is about.

The signal fires1You step back2You scan for threat3Neutral reads as cold4You step back again5LONELINESSLOOP

Step 1 of 5

The signal fires

Loneliness is the body's report that a bond is missing or under threat. It evolved the way hunger and thirst did: an aversive state that is supposed to push you toward the thing you need.[3]

The five steps follow the reaffiliation model of loneliness; the exit is this page’s reading of where deep conversation enters that model, not a step the model names.

The loop explains the cruelest feature of a new place. The people who most need to approach someone are the ones whose hardware has just been tuned to make every approach look like a bad bet. A section that has already formed its lunch groups, a classmate who answers a message the next morning, a study team that seems to have an inside joke: each is exactly the kind of neutral cue the scanner files as rejection. From inside the loop, going first feels like the worst possible strategy. From the data, it is the only one that returns new information.

04 · The forecast

What Booth measured

The best evidence that the scanner is miscalibrated comes from this campus. In 2022, Michael Kardas, Amit Kumar, and Nicholas Epley published twelve experiments in which strangers were handed deep questions and asked, before and after, how the conversation would go. The questions were not small talk: for what in your life do you feel most grateful; if a crystal ball could tell you the truth about yourself, what would you want to know; can you describe a time you cried in front of another person.[6] Participants expected these to be awkward, expected to feel little connection, and expected their partner to be only mildly interested. They were wrong on all three, and wrong in the same direction every time.

Interactive · before the conversation

A classmate you met last week asks when you last cried in front of someone

That is one of the four questions the Booth study handed to strangers.[6] Set what you expect, then apply the study’s average gap between expectation and experience to your own numbers.

What you predict

What the study found

  • Participants overestimated how awkward a deep conversation with a stranger would feel by about three points on a ten-point scale.
  • They underestimated how connected they would feel by about two points, and how happy by about two and a half.
  • The largest miss was about the other person: they underestimated how interested their partner turned out to be by about three and a half points (d = 3.04).

Illustration, not a prediction: the widget shifts your guess by the study’s average expectation-experience gap from Experiment 1a (25 pairs, 0-to-10 scales) and clamps to the scale. Your own gap could be larger or smaller. The direction is what replicated across the paper’s twelve experiments.

The mechanism the paper identifies is the one the loop predicts. The miscalibration was carried by a single belief: that the other person would not care. Participants underestimated their partner’s interest before the conversation and, more strikingly, after it, when the partner had already reported being interested. Mediation analyses showed that this error in reading the other person explained most of the error in predicting awkwardness and connection.[6] The estimate of the room, and only the estimate, is what runs cold.

One strange detail is worth preserving because a cleaner essay would cut it. In the second experiment, people who had the deep conversation reported feeling slightly more lonely afterward than people who had the shallow one, 1.82 against 1.65 on the scale used, even though they also felt more connected to the person across from them. The authors did not predict this and suspect the cried-in-front-of-someone question surfaced memories of past isolation.[6] That is the whole argument in one data point. The conversation that connects you is the same one that names what you were missing. Connection and loneliness arrive together, because the second one is how you know the first one landed.

Epley had already run the cruder version of this experiment on the Metra. In 2014 he and Juliana Schroeder sent commuters out of the Homewood station with instructions to talk to a stranger, sit in silence, or do whatever they usually did. Riders predicted the conversation condition would be the least pleasant. It was the most pleasant, by a wide margin. In a follow-up, commuters guessed that fewer than half of the people around them would be willing to talk; of those who tried, not a single person reported being turned down.[9] Same city, same error, same direction.

05 · By month

When the gap closes

The forecast error has a shape over time, and the shape is reassuring if you know it and corrosive if you do not. In 2018 a team at Yale followed 102 first-year students assigned to share dorm suites, and asked them five times across the year how much they liked each suitemate and how much they believed each suitemate liked them. The gap between those two numbers, which the authors named the liking gap, was present in September, October, December, and February. In May it was gone.[7]

Figure · first-year suitemates, one academic year

How much they liked you, and how much you thought they did

Sep: Gap present, p < .01SepgapOct: Gap present, p < .01OctgapDec: Gap present, p < .01DecgapFeb: Gap present, p < .01FebgapMay: No gap, p = .87MayclosedHOW MUCH THEY LIKED YOUWHAT YOU THOUGHT
Schematic: line heights are not the study’s means. What the data say is that suitemates underestimated how much they were liked at every check-in until the last one. 102 first-year students, five surveys from September 2016 to May 2017.[7]

Two things about that May. The authors offer two explanations, and both are about disclosure. Either the students finally knew each other well enough for the estimate to catch up with the truth, or the deadline for choosing next year’s housing forced conversations that revealed liking directly.[7] On the second reading, the gap did not close because time passed. It closed because something made people say out loud what they had been leaving to inference. A first-year MBA program has the same calendar and no forced May. The conversations that close the gap have to be chosen.

The other relevant result is older and about belonging rather than liking. Walton and Cohen’s belonging intervention, the one that halved an achievement gap over three years, consisted of showing first-year students survey results indicating that most students worry about whether they belong, and that the worry fades.[10] The intervention worked by changing the interpretation of a normal feeling, not the feeling. The problem was never the worry itself but the habit of reading it as evidence about oneself.

06 · Going first

Vulnerability as the instrument

Put the four parts together. The signal is accurate. The room is full of people receiving the same signal. The loop makes each of them read the others as uninterested. The only measurement that corrects the loop is an actual disclosure and the response to it, and the research says the response is warmer than anyone predicts, by a margin large enough to be measured in a dozen experiments and to persist for eight months of a dorm year. Vulnerability, on this reading, works less like a personality trait than like an instrument, the one that gets the loop a better reading, and the person who goes first is the one who collects the connection everyone else in the room was waiting for.

“I’ve been really intentional about being as open as I can. My mission here is to not hold back.”
“Because I’m really grateful how much people open up to me when I do say the unpolished.”

Said to classmates during a public-speaking workshop, September 22, 2026. Two fragments from consecutive turns.

The second fragment is the data coming back. It is the Booth study, run informally, in a room where the participants have to see each other again on Monday. The unpolished thing goes out, and the partner’s interest turns out to be higher than forecast. Repeated enough times, the loop stops being the operating system and becomes one input among several.

“You never get this vulnerability from professionals out in the real world, so it’s nice to feel like the people I’m talking to actually, for as oppressive and scary as someone from IB has always been to me, now I’m like they’re just nerds too.”

Recorded during recruiting preparation, September 22, 2026.

That is the scanner being corrected by a data point. A category that read as threat from a distance, once approached, turns out to contain people who are also new, also guessing, and also relieved when someone goes first. The line from an older page on this site describes the alternative and its price:

“I would rather be known than be right. It took me a long time to actually mean that. Being right is armor, and armor works: it keeps you safe and it keeps you alone.”

From On Leaving Ego at the Door, already published on this site.

A C. S. Lewis line about friendship sits on the Jennisms page, adopted there in July:

“Friendship is born at the moment when one person says to another, ‘What! You too? I thought I was the only one.’”

C. S. Lewis, The Four Loves

The research on this page is a long footnote to that sentence. The “you too” requires a first person to say the thing, and the loneliness that makes the saying feel risky is the same loneliness on the other side of the table, waiting to be recognized. In a conversation about that line in August, the summary was three words:

“We’re just too lonely. That’s my anxiety.”

In conversation, August 7, 2026.

The anxiety is correct about the room and wrong about what to do in it. The corrected version, for a first year at Booth, is short. The feeling is the signal working. Most of the section has it. Every estimate of how the others will respond runs low by a measurable margin. The disclosure that feels like exposure is the only instrument that fixes the estimate, and the study that proved it was run here. Under the data, going first is less the brave option than the accurate one.

The four parts, in order

  1. 01Loneliness is a signal. It fires when a bond is missing, and it is accurate.
  2. 02Most of the room is receiving it. The guess about how many runs low.
  3. 03The signal tunes the scanner toward threat, so approaches look riskier than they are.
  4. 04Only a disclosure returns real data, and the data is warmer than the forecast. The gap closes for the people who make it close.

Related on this site: On Care, on the prosociality paradox; On Mattering, on being witnessed; On Leaving Ego at the Door, on the beautiful mess effect; Outlast, on ostracism and the four threatened needs.

Sources10 referencesShow

[1] Weissbourd, R., Batanova, M., Lovison, V., & Torres, E. (2021). Loneliness in America: How the Pandemic Has Deepened an Epidemic of Loneliness and What We Can Do About It. Making Caring Common, Harvard Graduate School of Education. Report. 36% of all respondents and 61% of those aged 18 to 25 reported feeling lonely frequently or almost all the time in the prior four weeks.

[2] U.S. Surgeon General (2023). Our Epidemic of Loneliness and Isolation. Advisory. The one-in-two figure is the advisory’s headline estimate for U.S. adults.

[3] Cacioppo, J. T., & Hawkley, L. C. (2009). Perceived social isolation and cognition. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 13(10), 447-454. DOI. The hunger analogy, the implicit hypervigilance for social threat, and the memory and attention effects.

[4] Qualter, P., Vanhalst, J., Harris, R., Van Roekel, E., Lodder, G., Bangee, M., Maes, M., & Verhagen, M. (2015). Loneliness across the life span. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 10(2), 250-264. DOI. The reaffiliation motive model: withdrawal to appraise, then hypervigilance for both opportunity and threat.

[5] Bangee, M., Harris, R. A., Bridges, N., Rotenberg, K. J., & Qualter, P. (2014). Loneliness and attention to social threat in young adults: Findings from an eye tracker study. Personality and Individual Differences, 63, 16-23. DOI.

[6] Kardas, M., Kumar, A., & Epley, N. (2022). Overly shallow?: Miscalibrated expectations create a barrier to deeper conversation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 122(3), 367-398. DOI. Experiment 1a: 25 pairs, 0-to-10 scales; awkwardness overestimated (95% CI of the difference 2.44 to 3.96, d = 1.74), connectedness underestimated (1.62 to 2.34, d = 2.26), happiness underestimated (1.93 to 2.99, d = 1.92), partner’s post-conversation interest underestimated (3.05 to 4.11, d = 3.04). Experiment 2: deep condition reported more loneliness afterward than shallow (M = 1.82 vs 1.65, p = .027), which the authors flag as unpredicted. The four deep questions are reproduced from the paper’s appendix. Epley is a professor of behavioral science at Chicago Booth; the lab work was run at the University of Chicago.

[7] Boothby, E. J., Cooney, G., Sandstrom, G. M., & Clark, M. S. (2018). The liking gap in conversations: Do people like us more than we think? Psychological Science, 29(11), 1742-1756. DOI. Study 5: 102 first-year Yale students in assigned suites, surveyed in September, October, December, February, and May; the gap was significant at the first four time points (all p < .01) and not at the fifth (p = .87). A $100 accuracy incentive at the final survey did not change the estimates.

[8] Holt-Lunstad, J., Smith, T. B., Baker, M., Harris, T., & Stephenson, D. (2015). Loneliness and social isolation as risk factors for mortality: A meta-analytic review. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 10(2), 227-237. DOI. Odds ratios 1.26 (loneliness), 1.29 (social isolation), 1.32 (living alone) across 70 studies with confounds controlled.

[9] Epley, N., & Schroeder, J. (2014). Mistakenly seeking solitude. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 143(5), 1980-1999. DOI. Experiments 1a and 1b recruited commuters at the Homewood, Illinois, Metra station; connection-condition riders talked for 14.2 minutes on average and reported the most positive commute, while a separate sample predicted the opposite ordering. Experiment 3a: participants predicted fewer than 47% of commuters would be willing to talk; every respondent who tried reported a conversation, and none reported being rebuffed.

[10] Walton, G. M., & Cohen, G. L. (2011). A brief social-belonging intervention improves academic and health outcomes of minority students. Science, 331(6023), 1447-1451. DOI. N = 92; the treatment framed worries about belonging as common and transient.

Facts verified September 23, 2026. Jenn’s lines are quoted verbatim from her own recordings, a voice memo, and pages already published here, and are dated where they appear; the connective text is exposition about those lines and the research, not new first-person writing. Classmates are not named.